ORGANIZED CRIME IN TWENTIETH CENTURY CHICAGO: AN ANALYSIS OF ITS
PARADOXICAL NATURE OF INTEGRATION
Andrew Farah
AP/POLS 45...
 
  1
 
The American phenomenon of organized crime has been wrongly antagonized in a
variety of scholarly literature....
 
  2
 
means of distribution and production.7
As an established institution, their interests coincide with
those of ...
 
  3
 
an undeniable opportunity of employment. Bell famously regarded organized crime as “one of
the queer latters ...
 
  4
 
mid 1920s, national prohibition functioned as an avenue towards their transformation from a
predatory institu...
 
  5
 
town,” some being commendable and others dreadful.20
It was optimistic and energetic, but also
chock-full of ...
 
  6
 
American groups.26
Scholars have described African-Americans to lack the political associations
and organizat...
 
  7
 
organized crime in the Staff Report to the Commission on Violence states, “it is well known that
organized cr...
 
  8
 
for the much deeper institutional practice of loansharking. Following World War I, loansharking
as a practice...
 
  9
 
depended on the relationship between the lender and the borrower.42
Moreover, after gambling,
loansharking wa...
 
  10
 
workers.47
Criminal organizations also played a role in running unions to gain access to their
treasuries, a...
 
  11
 
integrate themselves within the institution of dominance. In twentieth century Chicago, the crime
syndicate ...
 
  12
 
Revenue Service.54
Until this day, the IRS records on the Capone organization’s tax evasion
convictions rema...
 
  13
 
crime. Culturally accepted vices such as prostitution, liquor, and gambling have been
rationalized as a midd...
 
  14
 
They were able to enforce citywide rules throughout urbanized neighborhoods. John Torrio
organized a citywid...
 
  15
 
Bibliography
Abbott, Grace. "Immigration and Crime (Report of Committee" G" of the Institute)." Journal of
t...
 
  16
 
Kennedy, Robert F. The enemy within. Harper, 1960.
Landesco, John. Organized crime in Chicago. Vol. 3. Illin...
 
  17
 
Task Force Report: Organized Crime, the Presiden’ts Commission on Law Enforcement and
Administration of Just...
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POLS 4545 Final Paper (Andrew Farah)

Published on: Mar 4, 2016
Source: www.slideshare.net


Transcripts - POLS 4545 Final Paper (Andrew Farah)

  • 1. ORGANIZED CRIME IN TWENTIETH CENTURY CHICAGO: AN ANALYSIS OF ITS PARADOXICAL NATURE OF INTEGRATION Andrew Farah AP/POLS 4545: Approaches to American Politics Course Director: Adam Hilton May 11, 2015
  • 2.     1   The American phenomenon of organized crime has been wrongly antagonized in a variety of scholarly literature. Robert F. Kennedy has presented it in military terms; declaring that organized crime is the “enemy,” and the syndicates must be dealt with through “war.”1 Smith C. Dwight has taken a theoretical approach of cost-effectiveness regarding the “tax exempt” illicit fortunes accumulated by crime syndicates as a burden to the less affluent, honest citizens.2 Michael D. Maltz has perceived it in the traditional sense; an ominous, power-hungry institution bent on squeezing excessive profits from the victims of its criminal enterprises.3 Moreover, the theoretical approaches that flow through these publications are one-sided, and ultimately incognizant to the paradoxical nature of organized crime. This paper will take a neo-Marxist approach and elaborate on the paradoxical nature of organized crime through its linkages with economic, judicial, and political institutions.4 It will argue that although organized crime has been intrinsically antagonized and often preconceived as arbitrary, it has in fact been integral to the economic and political development of twentieth century Chicago. Essentially, Chicago’s crime syndicates have matured through time from a “predatory” form of capital accumulation to a “symbiotic one.”5 As predatory institutions, they are vulnerable to the law enforcement apparatus and tend to focus on crimes with less exposure, such as bank robberies and petty thievery.6 As symbiotic institutions, they integrate into the legal, political, and economic apparatus by provisioning legal goods and services through illegal                                                                                                                          1  Smith  1971,  pp.  1-­‐2.  This  notion  of  organized  crime  has  been  cited  in  Smith’s  work,  but   originally  presents  itself  in  Kennedy  1960,  The  Enemy  Within.              2  Ibid.,  p.  2.              3  Maltz  1976,  p.  338.              4  Schulte-­‐Bockholt  2001,  p.225.              5  Naylor  1993,  p.  20;  31.              6  Ibid.,  p.  20.
  • 3.     2   means of distribution and production.7 As an established institution, their interests coincide with those of society and the formal economy; they develop an affinity to the already existing legal power structures, and conclusively harmonize as one entity spurring political and economic development. There is much importance in taking an alternative and less antagonistic approach when explaining the presence of organized crime in twentieth century Chicago. The crime syndicates’ operating during the 1920s were extremely integrated within Chicago’s political and economic structures of development. They operated so boldly, and the successes of their exploits were so well advertised, primarily resulting in an unprecedented degree of fear as a recognized institution. They became the object of universal criticism towards themselves and the state of Illinois as a whole. Most notably, their operations were advertised in newspapers on a national basis establishing a worldwide perception of the state of Illinois as “the Crime Capital of the World.”8 Daniel Bell has taken a social approach in theorizing organized crime in his piece Crime as an American Way of Life. He emphasized the ability of organized crime syndicates to socially mobilize those in “less desirable” racial groups.9 Scholars like Peter A. Lupsha regarded this social theoretical construct as the “ethnic succession thesis.”10 Essentially, this interpretation sees organized crime as a catalyst for the adaptation of a deprived group to the limitations on upward mobility.11 Organized crime plays a functional role in society, such that those involved in the complex and ever changing structure of social deprivation and stratification have been provided                                                                                                                              7  Ibid.,  p.  31.     8 Lashly 1930, p. 588. 9 Bell 1953, p. 133. 10 Lupsha 1981, p. 3. 11 Ibid.
  • 4.     3   an undeniable opportunity of employment. Bell famously regarded organized crime as “one of the queer latters of social mobility in the American way of life.”12 In Chicago’s urban dynamic of racial stratification, organized crime has played two distinctive roles. First, it acted as a medium of mass consumption for the economy through the illegal employment of those in “less desirable” ethnic groups. Second, it perpetuated a paradoxical system of both the assimilation-to and the exclusion-from social norms for those of less desirable ethnic groups. These individuals get excluded through the capitalist-like arrangement of co-dependence with the leaders of these criminal organizations. In turn, they receive the similar economic benefits as their socially accepted counterparts, yet are incongruently further discriminated through their disposition within both a racially marginalized category and that of delinquency. Moreover, an ethnic minority underclass is not only required, but imperative for the successful operation of crime syndicates.13 In 1930 Chicago, these criminal organizations were remarkably diversified on a racial basis. According to a study of 108 directors in the Chicago underworld done by William F. Ogburn and Clark Tibbitts, 30 percent were of Italian background, 29 percent were of Irish background, 20 percent were of Jewish background, and 12 percent were blacks.14 Interestingly, not one single leader was reported as a native, white-born American. They were racially diversified because they stemmed from the neighborhoods, but operated within the city. Prior to the 1920s they were held together by both their vices and neighborhood affiliations.15 Gambling, petty thievery, and bank robberies acted as their main source of income, allowing them to mobilize as neighborhood delinquents in the predatory stage of their institutional practice. In the                                                                                                                 12 Bell 1953, p. 133.              13  Ianni  1974.              14  Ogburn  and  Tibbitts  1930,  p.  10.              15  Lashly  1930,  p.  589.
  • 5.     4   mid 1920s, national prohibition functioned as an avenue towards their transformation from a predatory institution to a more organized symbiotic one. The murder of Colosimo, head of the Chicago underworld, and succession of John Torrio (also known as, “Johnny”), brought forth a reform that resulted in a highly complex and integrated criminal organization; one encompassing the vast involvement of the socially excluded less desirable individuals.16 During the entirety of the 1920s, Chicago’s crime syndicates were mostly Italian. There were two dominant crime organizations in direct competition with one another, the Black Hand and the Mafia. The Black Hand is perceived to have operated entirely within the immigrant community, and affected only its residents. Alternatively, the Mafia from the early 1920s to the 1930s following prohibition began to move into “big time” crime, operating within the American community as a whole.17 The Mafia became prominent in Chicago for two reasons. First, the city’s vast racial diversity attracted them; and second, a series of events that exiled them from both New York and New Orleans. On October 20, 1890, New Orleans superintendent of police Peter Hennessey was violently murdered, and city residents assumed Sicilians to be responsible because of Hennessey’s prior engagements with the Italian crime syndicates.18 After their exile from New Orleans and their migration to Chicago, a popular assumption grew surrounding the Mafia, one of a stereotypical and discriminatory nature towards those whom were both Italian and uninvolved with criminal activities.19 This stereotypical nature towards Italians before the 1920s was not without good cause. In the beginning of the twentieth century, Chicago possessed many characteristics of a “frontier                                                                                                                          16  Ibid.            17  Nelli  1969,  p.  374.              18  Ibid.              19  Abbot  1915,  pp.  522-­‐526
  • 6.     5   town,” some being commendable and others dreadful.20 It was optimistic and energetic, but also chock-full of corruption, violence, apathy towards poverty, and organized crime.21 In William T. Stead’s publication If Christ Came to Chicago, he observed and exemplified these conditions upon visiting Chicago for a period of five years. He explained that Chicagoans alike, whether crime syndicates, politicians, businessmen, or policemen had a common bond: money. “The quest of the almighty dollar is their Holy Grail.” 22 In the late decade prior to the 1920’s, the interconnectedness between the Mafia and both the politicians and businessmen of Chicago worked to proliferate the social statuses of Italian immigrants, while simultaneously worsening the social statuses of blacks. In Chicago’s South Side, known as the “Negro Neighborhood,” the appearance of large, old style one-family homes masked the crammed and unhealthy living conditions of black individuals.23 They were living without air, without proper sanitation, beside prostitution districts and districts of other vices, and without surprise had their death rate twice as high as that of whites.24 These conditions brought forth the prominence of African-American organized crime in Chicago, paralleling the Italian Mafia. They operated under the name “Black Hand,” and were in fact integral to reshaping Chicago’s discriminatory racial dynamic.25 Previous literature however, supports the “alien conspiracy theory,” which argues that the participation of African-Americans and other minorities in organized crime only followed the decline of the traditional Italian-                                                                                                                          20  Nelli  1969,  p.  379.              21  Ibid.            22  Stead  1964,  p.  163.              23  Hill  1917,  p.  309.  Arnold  Thomas  Hill  was  the  leader  of  the  National  Urban  League;  he   moved  to  Chicago  in  1917  and  following  the  Chicago  Race  Riot  (1919),  he  transformed  his   Chicago  office  into  an  emergency  center  for  violence  involving  race  relations.            24  Ibid.,  p.  311.              25  Nelli  1969,  p.  374.
  • 7.     6   American groups.26 Scholars have described African-Americans to lack the political associations and organizational skills necessary to operate at the same level as Italian American crime syndicates. They argue that the ethnic succession theory coupled with the absence of any published account of African-American criminal groups proves their inferiority to Italians as crime syndicates.27 Robert M. Lombardo has taken a more appropriate approach; he argued that although blacks were segregated, their criminal activities were just as entangled with legal enterprises as their Italian counterparts were.28 Chicago’s South Side was a “black metropolis,” with its own elected officials and business community.29 Moreover, the involvement of the Black Hand both within that community and “white” Chicago worked to establish a symbiotic social standing between the two. Black or white, Mark H. Haller has interpreted organized crime as a thriving institution through the interplay of three divergent groups. First, officials such as police officers and judges; second, mediators within the legal system such as lawyers, bail bonds men, and politicians; and third, criminals whose behavior was influenced by contact enforcement officials.30 As monopolistic providers of illegal goods and services, their operations were immensely entangled with dominant political, judicial, and economic enterprises. And conclusively, it must be understood that following the 1930s it was widely accepted within Chicago that the business of organized crime was to provide the legal public with illicit goods and services.31 These services include: bets, narcotics, sex out of wedlock and unregulated loans.32 In fact, the appendix on                                                                                                                          26  Lombardo  2002,  p.  59.              27  Ianni  1974,  p.  12.              28  Lombardo  2002,  p.  60.              29  Ibid.            30  Haller  1970,  pp.  619-­‐620.              31  Schelling  1971,  p.  643.              32  Ibid.
  • 8.     7   organized crime in the Staff Report to the Commission on Violence states, “it is well known that organized crime exists and thrives because it provides services the public demands” and “organized crime depends not on victims, but on customers.”33 The dependence on customers also imposed a demand for employees to please those customers. Young persons in ethnic ghettos fit the bill; in a city of racial segregation only three paths lay open to them. First, they could join the vast “poor working stiffs,” in factories and clerical jobs. Second, they could strive for college and eventually success, which only an incremental few did. Third, they would join the occupational world of organized crime.34 In urban politics the third avenue is seen as “urban machine politics:” regarded by many scholars as a function of politics to provide mobility for some members of ethnic groups.35 Therefore, this avenue served as an advantage to the vast array of disadvantaged youth, but also perhaps their only choice. Regardless of the decision made: to follow the legal path of success or one involved with criminals, all sectors of employment were related to the institution of organized crime. In business, politics, sports, and the entertainment districts, organized crime was pervasively entangled.36 Therefore, the ambitious young men and women from the ghettos were in one way or another involuntarily related to the institution of organized crime; all paths of employment were undoubtedly interrelated. The deep entanglement with an innumerable degree of legal institutions not only tainted the integrity of Chicago’s economic system, but also proliferated its growth by serving as a front                                                                                                                 33 Ibid. These quotes are from Task Force Report: Organized Crime, the President’s Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice (Washington, D.C., 1967), p.1. 34 Haller 1971, p. 210. 35 Zink 1968. For other notable works on urban machine politics and mobility, see Merton, Robert King, ed. Social theory and social structure. Simon and Schuster, 1968. and McKitrick, Eric L. "The study of corruption." Political Science Quarterly (1957): 502-514. 36 Haller 1971, p. 212.
  • 9.     8   for the much deeper institutional practice of loansharking. Following World War I, loansharking as a practice developed and functioned with an appearance of legality.37 Loansharking institutionalized itself within the contours of both Chicago’s political and economic structure. In fact, they operated much like a financial institution; prospective borrowers were investigated, and if they did not hold steady jobs or had a steady income they did not receive the loan.38 There were two types of loan sharking, the first were often referred to as “salary lenders;” the second were simply “loan sharks.”39 Salary lenders would operate legally as lending institutions, but their revenues would be funneled into the crime syndicate. The borrower would sign complicated forms before receiving the loan, and they would be threatened with a lawsuit or in some cases harassment, provided the loans were not repaid.40 Loan sharks made little pretense of legality, and they established an understanding that the failure to repay would result in violence.41 Both salary lenders and loan sharks were immensely involved in the institutions of labor racketeering, gambling, narcotics, and bootlegging. They worked to augment the incomes of those in marginalized groups. And as a result, became a necessary evil, a practice wrongly accepted by the Chicago citizenry as a whole. Loansharking in Chicago became so prominent that it has adopted a social stigma. There are numerous public documents and newspaper reports with cases in which consumers have been charged an astronomical true annual rate of interest for a small loan, however they were overlooked. These rates included numbers from 200 percent to 2000 percent annually; it highly                                                                                                                          37  Haller  and  Alviti  1977,  p.  125.              38  Ibid.              39  Kaplan  and  Matteis  1968,  p.  244.              40  Haller  and  Alviti  1977,  p.  127.              41  Ibid.,  p.  125.
  • 10.     9   depended on the relationship between the lender and the borrower.42 Moreover, after gambling, loansharking was the largest revenue stream for crime syndicates. It worked to keep the institution of organized crime alive, provide less desirable youth with employment opportunities, and ultimately challenge the established system of white supremacy. Loansharking is the paradoxical practice that worked to proliferate the entanglement of the crime syndicate with the society in twentieth century Chicago. In taking a neo-Marxist approach, the deep entanglement of the crime syndicate with the political and economic elites can be classified as a “racket.”43 The term racket is used as a new type of classification that works to elaborate the underlying similarities between societal elites and crime syndicates. In essence, it’s “a system of obtaining money fraudulently or by threat of violence, usually with the outward consent of victims.”44 Both the political, economic, and criminal elites in twentieth century Chicago were considered racketeers. And although they provided protection, they established a new sense of domination. Horkheimer emphasized rackets instead of classes to include the notion of coercion.45 As part of a racket acting through means of coercion, criminal organizations develop ideological views that resemble those of the elites. They at some point may come to their defense because it facilitates their integration into the existing structures of domination.46 Additionally, criminal organizations have participated in the suppression of left wing politics and labor activism in Chicago. For instance, to prevent unionization during the 1920’s, corporations such as Ford and General Motors kept private armies to terrorize sympathetic                                                                                                                          42  Kaplan  and  Matteis  1968,  p  239.              43  Schulte-­‐Bockholt  2001,  p.  228.              44  Horkeimer  1985,  p.  251.              45  Ibid.            46  Schulte-­‐Bockholt  2001,  p.  231.
  • 11.     10   workers.47 Criminal organizations also played a role in running unions to gain access to their treasuries, assure the compliance of workers, and to keep them from turning to the left through threatening murder.48 Unions, and other political or economic regimes in Chicago, have heavily relied on criminal organizations to suppress labour and maintain elite structures. They were entangled to the extent that crime has become institutionalized, widely accepted, and to a degree openly invited. The Capone mob in Chicago was one in league with the city’s business elite and police force, and it played a large role in suppressing labour. Capone stated: Listen,… don’t get the idea I’m one of those goddam radicals. Don’t get the idea I’m knocking the American system…. My rackets are run strictly along American lines and they are going to stay that way… This American system of ours, … call it Americanism, call it Capitalism, call it what you like, gives to each and everyone of us a great opportunity if we only seize it with both hands and make the most out of it.49 Essentially the state of Chicago acknowledged coexistence, one involving both a state authority and a non-state authority. Al Capone regarded it a shared American system, coining the term “Americanism;” a notion only prominent in liberal democracies. Louise Shelley recognized the only states in history that were successful in suppressing organized crime as fascist and communist, under Hitler in Nazi Germany and Stalin in the Soviet Union.50 Furthermore, criminal organizations tend to aspire states where elite alliances are possible. They are threatened by counter-hegemonic groups such as socialist or communist political parties, and commonly                                                                                                                          47  Pearce  1981,  p.  165.            48  Schulte-­‐Bockholt  2001,  p.  233.              49  Ibid.,  p.  234.  This  quote  is  taken  directly  from  Schulte-­‐Bockholt’s  text,  but  originally   appears  in  Cockburn  (1998)  “An  Interview  with  Al  Capone,  Chicago,  1930.”            50  Shelley  1991,  p.  69.
  • 12.     11   integrate themselves within the institution of dominance. In twentieth century Chicago, the crime syndicate were deeply entangled, widely accepted, and acknowledged as a socio-economic elite. Organized crime has been fervently involved in the apparatus of factory enforcement and legislation. Some may say factory legislation acted as the first opportunity for societal entanglement. The state in the early twentieth century had gradually increased its level of intervention in the industrial sector; it stipulated the minimum standards of safety, welfare, and health that factory-occupiers should observe.51 This intervention merely shifted the responsibility of human interests to the employers and their own means of regulation. It subordinated human interest to economic interests, and conclusively expedited criminal intervention in areas like employee discipline. Crime was simply overlooked as a result, and in the early 1920’s Chicago’s crime statistics were of record highs. The murders of record in Chicago numbered 330 annually; there were 6,108 burglaries, 2912 robberies, and 4, 447 stolen automobiles. Additionally, the cost of property loss from thieves of all sorts was in excess of twelve million dollars.52 These statistics resulted in state action, but not effective action. The Chicago Crime Commission came into being, and was not so vigilant in their operations; they did not function as an institution preventing crime, they rather functioned as a watchtower.53 They were merely an auditing body, an institution in place to please worried citizens. These criminal institutions were undoubtedly state-sanctioned. The actions of Al Capone, one of the most prominent and well-recognized criminals in history, were in fact state- sanctioned. The actions contributing to his prominence have commonly depended on the selective dissemination of federal agency records, predominantly the records of the Internal                                                                                                                          51  Garson  1970,  p.  388.              52  Barrett  Chamberlin  1920,  p.  386.              53  Ibid.,  p.  387.
  • 13.     12   Revenue Service.54 Until this day, the IRS records on the Capone organization’s tax evasion convictions remain inaccessible.55 Prolonged scarcity further perpetuates support for a state- sanctioned crime syndicate in the early twentieth century. Organized crime is state sanctioned mainly because of its upbringings. Drawing back to the ethnic succession model of social mobility, the most prominent criminal institutions in twentieth century Chicago began as neighborhood street gangs. One of the largest New York City gangs for example was the “Paul Kelly Political Association,” also known as the “Five Points Gang.” Kelly helped raise Chicago’s future crime lords such as John Torrio, Charles “Lucky” Luciano, and Al Capone.56 The Paul Kelly Political Association began as a neighborhood movement, one appealing to those in both the political and economic communities. Moreover, it as an institution grew to become a symbiotic crime syndicate. One important disposition that can be made is that organized crime is solely an American Institution. In fact, of the 25 organized crime “leaders” reputed by the law enforcement agencies in the United States 12 were identified as born American, the other 13 were of Russian or Italian descent but resided in America.57 According to Daniel Bell, “Americans have had an extraordinary talent for compromise in politics and extremism in morality.”58 He explained that from the start America was a frontier community, a state where shameless political and business deals are accepted and “everything goes.”59 This frontier mentality perpetuated the business of                                                                                                                          54  Calder  1992,  p.  1.              55  Ibid.,  p.  3.              56  Lupsha  1981,  p.  8.              57  Ibid.,  p.  9.  Data  collected  from  “table  1”  Place  of  Birth,  Origin  and  Approximate  Age  at   Time  of  Entry  into  the  United  States  of  Major  Reputed  Crime  “Leaders”  and  their  Associates.              58  Bell  1953,  p.  132.              59  Ibid.
  • 14.     13   crime. Culturally accepted vices such as prostitution, liquor, and gambling have been rationalized as a middle-class past time. The strength of the criminal underworld in early twentieth century Chicago lay in the fact that its members were simply not outsiders.60 As symbiotic institutions, their practices were embedded within the city’s racial, political, and economic structures. Whether organized crime is treated in the abstract or in the context of federal and state law enforcement policy, it is important to note that there is a greater complexity to how it functions and influences society.61 As a political institution, they contributed to the violence and fear of violence that pervaded many neighborhood ghettos. Some marginalized residents feared the police, and as a result, turned to criminal organizations.62 As an economic institution, it facilitated discipline within the factory. Al Capone as a leader of the Chicago crime syndicate was in league with both the business and political elite, essentially assimilating into the city’s social system. The concept of organized crime has always had strong ethnic associations. John Landesco wrote about how their social composition was mainly based on their ethnic origins. Whether Irish, Jewish, Italian, Black, or Polish, specific areas of the city were controlled.63 The immigrant or marginalized youth within neighborhood communities were forced into the world of crime, and conclusively where they were to reside. The criminal world spread so widely throughout the society. Police and government officials, such as the neighborhood politician were their only form of direct contact and possible solution to the crime problem.64 With prohibition, neighborhood complaints were second to the access of liquor and other concessions.                                                                                                                          60  Haller  1970,  p.  635.              61  Hagen  1983,  p.  52.            62  Haller  1971,  p  228.              63  Landesco  1929.              64  Landesco  1932a,  p.  239.
  • 15.     14   They were able to enforce citywide rules throughout urbanized neighborhoods. John Torrio organized a citywide syndicate for the operation of breweries and the convoy of trucks. Additionally, the two Thompson administrations were in favour of this rule.65 Following these administrations, Dever a reform democrat was elected, and he did not believe in prohibition; his policy was to prosecute the leaders of these crime syndicates.66 However, the lasting corruption of both the political and economic structures of Chicago before his inauguration did not help his case. Since the mid nineteenth century and the early twentieth century, Chicago has been influenced by the prominence of organized crime. From the neighborhood in its predatory stage to political and economic institutions in its symbiotic stage, organized crime has played a crucial role in reshaping Chicago’s culture. It has embedded itself, and matured into a system of demand for illicit goods and services, rather than fear; a system of opportunity rather than deprivation; and a system of economic growth rather than decline. It’s ability to provide illicit goods and services were not only the bedrock of criminal prominence, but also bedrock of Chicago’s development as a whole.                                                                                                                          65  Landesco  1932b,  p.  120.              66  Ibid.
  • 16.     15   Bibliography Abbott, Grace. "Immigration and Crime (Report of Committee" G" of the Institute)." Journal of the American Institute of Criminal Law and Criminology (1915): 522-532. Bell, Daniel. "Crime as an American way of life." The Antioch Review (1953): 131-154. Calder, James D. "Al Capone and the internal revenue service: state-sanctioned criminology of organized crime." Crime, Law and Social Change 17, no. 1 (1992): 1-23. Carson, William G. "White-collar crime and the enforcement of factory legislation." The British Journal of Criminology (1970): 383-398. Chamberlin, Henry Barrett. "The Chicago Crime Commission: how the business men of Chicago are fighting crime." Journal of the American Institute of Criminal Law and Criminology (1920): 386-397. Cockburn, C. “An Interview with Al Capone, Chicago, 1930.” J.E. Lewis (ed.), The Mammoth Book of How it Happened: Eye-Witness Accounts of Great Historical Moments. London: Robinson (1998): pp. 372–374. Gesammelte Werke, Vol. 12. Frankfurt a.M., FRG: Fischer, (1985): pp. 287–291. Hagan, Frank E. "Organized Crime Continuum: A Further Specification of a New Conceptual Model, The." Crim. Just. Rev. 8 (1983): 52. Haller, Mark H. "Urban crime and criminal justice: the Chicago case." The Journal of American History 57, no. 3 (1970): 619-635. −−−−. "Organized crime in urban society: Chicago in the twentieth century." Journal of Social History 5, no. 2 (1971): 210-234. Haller, Mark H., and John V. Alviti. "Loansharking in American cities: Historical analysis of a marginal enterprise." The American Journal of Legal History (1977): 125-156. Hill, T. Arnold. "Housing for the Negro Wage Earner." In National Conference on Housing, Housing Problems in America: Proceedings of the Sixth National Conference on Housing, Chicago, October, vol. 15, no. 16, pp. 309-13. 1917. Horkheimer, M. “Die Rackets und der Geist.” Gunzelin Schmid Noerr (ed.), Ianni, Francis AJ. Black Mafia: Ethnic succession in organized crime. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1974. Kaplan, Lawrence J., and Salvatore Matteis. "The economics of loansharking." American Journal of Economics and Sociology 27, no. 3 (1968): 239-252.
  • 17.     16   Kennedy, Robert F. The enemy within. Harper, 1960. Landesco, John. Organized crime in Chicago. Vol. 3. Illinois Association for Criminal Justice, 1929. −−−−. "Crime and the failure of institutions in Chicago's immigrant areas." Am. Inst. Crim. L. & Criminology 23 (1932a): 238. −−−−. "Prohibition and crime." The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science (1932b): 120-129. Lashly, Arthur V. "The Illinois Crime Survey." Journal of the American Institute of Criminal Law and Criminology (1930): 588-605. Lupsha, Peter A. "Individual choice, material culture, and organized crime." Criminology 19, no. 1 (1981): 3-24. Lombardo, Robert M. "The Black Mafia: African-American organized crime in Chicago 1890– 1960." Crime, law and social change 38, no. 1 (2002): 33-65. Maltz, Michael D. "On Defining" Organized Grime" The Development of a Definition and a Typology." Crime & Delinquency 22, no. 3 (1976): 338-346. Nelli, Humbert S. "Italians and crime in Chicago: The formative years, 1890-1920." American Journal of Sociology (1969): 373-391. Ogburn, William F., and Clark Tibbitts. "A Memorandum on the Nativity of Certain Criminal Classes Engaged in Organized Crime, and of Certain Related Criminal and Non-Criminal Groups in Chicago." Unpublished manuscript (1930): 9-11. Pearce, Frank. "Organized crime and class politics." Crime and Capitalism: Readings in Marxist Criminology (1981): 157-181. Schelling, Thomas C. "What is the business of organized crime?." The American Scholar (1971): 643-652. Schulte-Bockholt, Alfried. "A neo-Marxist explanation of organized crime." Critical Criminology 10, no. 3 (2001): 225-242. Shelley, Louise I. "Crime in the Soviet Union." Soviet Social Problems, ed. Anthony Jones, Walter D. Connor, and David E. Powell 252 (1991): 69. Smith Jr, Dwight C. "Some things that may be more important to understand about organized crime than Cosa Nostra." U. Fla. L. Rev. 24 (1971): 1. Stead, William Thomas. If Christ Came to Chicago. Living Books, 1964.
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